- Iran Before and After 1979: How Did We Get Here from There?
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- Iran's Post-Revolution Foreign Policy Puzzle - Oxford Scholarship
- Iran’s International Relations: Pragmatism in a Revolutionary Bottle
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Iran Before and After 1979: How Did We Get Here from There?
Meanwhile former Venezuelan Energy Minister Rafael Ramirez said "campaign against imperialism brings the two countries closer and in 42 www. Iranian leaders constantly have called for countering hegemonism and confronting imperialism as essential principle of Iran's foreign behavior Dehghani Firozabadi, From his viewpoint, the I revolution was about eliminating foreign powers influence in Iran. Most of those goals were h rooted in Iranian history, geopolitics, and economy.
A paradoxical combination of pride in Iranian culture and a sense of A victimization have created a fierce sense of independence and a culture of resistance to dictation and domination by any foreign power among the Iranian people. As appeared in the Iranian constitution as well as public declarations, the effective actions of ayatollah Khomeini, ayatollah Khamenei, Ahmadinejad and other influential personalities including 43 www.
Iranian officials believe that the UN is a political tool in hands of superpowers. On this basis, Iranian government tries to use NAM to make changes in the unjust international system. The principle is originating from the high capacity of Shia political Jurisprudence for managing foreign policy of the Islamic government. It means that when an e incompatibility arises, political considerations survival of the Islamic v Republic take precedence over religious consideration.
In fact, the i principle of expediency is placing Islamic rule under the vital interests of the Islamic government Figg-Franzoi, Our ideology is flexible. We can choose our expediency on the basis of A Islam. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has always avoided entering seriously into international disputes and conflicts in order to preserve its survival and vital interests Vaezi, With respect to this, there are various cases that show the Islamic Republic of Iran has adopted a pragmatic and expediency-oriented approach to reduce risks and costs 44 www.
For example, Imam Khomeini based on the principle of expediency and in response to reports from various agencies and figures regarding Iranian political and economic challenges during the Iran —Iraq war, decided to end the war based on the UN Resolution Yaphe, According to the principle of expediency, Iran has sought to eschew involvement in various regional conflicts such as: the Shia uprising in Iraq, the capture of the city of Mazar-e-Sharif by the Afghan Taliban I and the carnage of Shia Hazaras , the war between Israel and the D which led to the murder of eight Iranian diplomats and a journalist Lebanese Hizballah in , and the suppression of Shia protestors Russia.
But, by early , with the failure of the confidence-building i measures, Iran realized that suspension is not a useful way for resolving its nuclear standoff with the west. Hence, the country h decided to abandon the suspension of uranium enrichment in a step by step process Yaphe, In conclusion, in the r c abovementioned conflicts Iran preferred to take a pragmatic and expediency-oriented foreign policy to avoid risky and costly foreign adventures.
The Islamic Republic of Iran is seeking to internalize more sophisticated technologies and knowledge as an efficient response to the international boycotts.
After the Iranian Revolution, pursuing indigenous capabilities, technology and knowledge especially regarding nuclear fuel cycle has become a 45 www. By doing so, Iran tries to eliminate its reliance on foreign powers. The development of indigenous technology to achieve self-reliance will reduce the dependence on foreign inputs, especially in critical and vulnerable areas and in high value-added items in which the domestic base is strong. Iran argues that it faces systematic discrimination in purchasing nuclear fuel.
This discrimination is the result of both direct US interventions to cancel contracts and sanction companies that do business with Iran and I D indirect intimidation of foreign firms by the threat of such measures. In fact, the United States sanctions against Iran have strengthened Iran's argument that indigenous nuclear fuel production is necessary. Ayatollah Khamenei i contends that American and European sanctions against Iran are not only ineffective in changing Iranian foreign policy, but they are h actually constructive because they force Iran to become more self- reliant.
In order to attain independence and achieve national sovereignty and honor, any nation will have to pay a certain price. But nations should incur such expenses and make every effort to achieve the above objectives. They should be hopeful of the valuable results of their endeavors, despite all the attempts that are being made by the enemies to undermine their hopes and aspirations Ayatollah Khamenei, Feb2, Various historical and o cultural factors continue to shape Iranian perceptions and behaviors apart from the relative existence clerical government.
Iranians see e their historical and cultural achievements as a great source of pride. The Islamic Republic of Iran has resorted to nationalism and used popular support as leverage against foreign powers. Iran believes that the popular support of the regime is a deterrence force against 47 www. As the Iranian Leader has repeatedly stated the governments that rely on public support cannot be threatened by enemy. Such a quest for influence and status has continued after the revolution to gain a meritorious role on the world stage.
The Islamic Republic trumpeted Iranian nationalism to garner public support I D during its war with Iraq and is following the same path regarding its nuclear program. Therefore, Iranian officials are using a discourse of nationalism and historical pride to form a collective idea about the nuclear o program. Many Iranians who oppose the Islamic regime believe that Iran should continue its nuclear program despite disagreement and e pressure from western powers.
Accordingly Many Iranians contend v that the United States is simply trying to punish Iran for its defiance i of American policies. They believe that US pressure on Iran to give up its uranium enrichment "is a conspiracy by the western powers to h deny or prevent Iran from acquiring advanced technology and keep Iran backward and dependent on the West" Zibakalam, On this basis, the Islamic Republic of Iran is trying to build unity among the Islamic states to help them play an important role for the establishment of a fair system in global politics. The economic and technical relations of Islamic countries 48 www.
The founder of the Islamic Revolution, Imam Khomeini, considered the unity of the Islamic countries as a practical necessity. The policy of export of revolution the o previous policy in the early years of the revolution has been replaced by the policy of Islamic solidarity which is more consistent with e political conditions of the contemporary era. The first target of this v policy is these Islamic countries which are based on Islamic principles i like Lebanon, Syria Algeria.
The Islamic Republic of Iran was looking for further convergence and brotherly relations with such countries h Norouzi, The history shows that Iranian threat perceptions are not all unwarranted, but rooted in long-standing set of historical threat. Since the Islamic Revolution, such an image of enemy has played an effective role in constructing domestic and foreign policy priorities.
Such insecurity is originating from a series of oppression and domination suffered by Persia over the centuries, which have left Iranian people more suspicious of foreigners.
Actually, these eras of foreign domination appear to have basically formed Iranian inter- personal and, by extrapolation behavior Giles, Religious and historical bases of enemy shaped the chronic enmity mentality of Iranian officials toward unjust powers. It is difficult to find a speech of Iran's officials without o emphasizing the role of enemy to destruct the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iranian supreme leader i on February16, said that the scientific progress in the country and the enthusiastic presence of youths in different areas are among h other indications of the failure of enemy in defeating the Islamic Republic.
He warned that a cultural invasion by the enemy was r c among its efforts to spoil the Islamic System, adding that all individuals, including him, have duty to defend the Islamic and revolutionary values. He also attributed questioning the fairness of A Iranian presidential election to enemies. Change in the Global Management System: The officials of The Islamic Republic of Iran believe that international system is an unjust and unfair system which should be replaced by a just and fair has been pursuing a revisionist policy based on justice and fair I D international order.
Hence, since the Islamic Revolution, the country international relations and invites arrogant countries to behave fairly. From a revolutionary viewpoint, "until the realization of the 'sublime universe', the world remains structurally divided into two antagonist areas: the world of good and the world of o evil — light and darkness. Compromise between the two is impossible. The struggle is v constant until the first eliminates the second Mozafari, AThe justice-seeking policy was pursued with more enthusiasm by the administration of President Ahmadinejad.
All members underlined public participation in the management [of the world] based on justice and amity as the 51 www. Based on this discourse, Iran h doesn't want to compromise its rights to have nuclear power and not accept the demand to suspend its uranium enrichment, which the US r c and other Western countries see as a cover to produce nuclear weapons. The country's officials believe that the West ignores Israeli nuclear arsenal, while putting pressure on Iran to prevent it from A using technology for peaceful purposes.
In fact, Iranian officials see proof of double standards in the U. Iranians feel humiliated that a country like 52 www. The concept can only be understood in the context of Islamic Holy Struggle jihad. According to the Holy Quran, a martyr has a guaranteed place in Paradise. Martyrdom-seekers and Jihadists are not afraid of death at all in a battle or front. The fear factor is a serious dilemma in I D mundane and materialistic societies in which the life is defined solely within the boundaries of the physical existence.
They regard the f S happiness and well-being within the short span of life on earth Mohammadi, This culture is completely opposite to cult of martyrdom.
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Actually, The Martyrdom shows Shia attitudes toward war which is h less goal-oriented than western concepts. In this context defeat is not necessarily equated with failure. Since the Islamic Revolution of , these discourses have been constituted and expressed and emphasized in numerous and often repetitive ways, either via various declarations issued by the late founder of the Islamic Republic — Ayatollah Khomeini — or in the speeches and declarations made by his successor, Ayatollah Khamenei, and other prominent figures in the Iranian government.
In parallel with these personalities, the ideological discourse is emphasized almost daily by imams in the mosques and in Friday I prayers, the commanders of the Revolutionary Guards as well as D other Iranian authorities" Mozafari, 2. The mentioned discourses shape the identity and consequently interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Rather the history of Islamic Revolution v shows that international normative environment could move Iranian i foreign policy toward moderation or radicalization.
Promotion of confrontational and aggressive reactions by the international community toward Iran especially during the George w.
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The confrontational norms during Bush's presidency stimulated Iran to resume its 54 www. CBS News, Jan 03, With the weakening of the liberal and democratic values expressed by the Bush administration such as his 'Axis of Evil' Remark, attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq, and threatening Iran by the possibility of an assault on Iran's nuclear facilities , Iran's foreign policy especially when Ahmadinejad came to power was transformed into even more radical than that supported by Ayatollah Khamenei since Yongtao , During this period, revolutionary viewpoint9 on denying the e Holocaust as one of the major discursive battles between Iran and the v West, sparked many negative reactions in the West and resulted in i U.
Iran's Post-Revolution Foreign Policy Puzzle - Oxford Scholarship
Hence, the fluctuation of U. Generally, whenever Iran faced a confrontational normative environment, the state responded more aggressively toward international community. The of Iran's oil exports are consumed by the EU countries. Iranian, head of Iran's Atomic Energy h Organization, said that until then Iran did not have any intention of building 10 new Uranium enrichment facilities Examiner, Nov 30, Iran considered the action as a "punishment" for the imposition of fourth sanctions of the U.
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said that "It's a punishment to teach them a lesson to know how to have a dialogue with nations. Security Council Ahmadinejad, Jun 28, In fact, the mentioned examples of Iranian behaviors show how international aggressive and confrontational norms can serve as an element that strengthens position of Iranian ruling parties. In contrast, the peaceful international environment can moderate radical position of the country Lindeman, Therefore, the peaceful and non- aggressive international environment can give an opportunity for such states to redefine their former position and move toward rational policies in international relations.
This paper tried to apply the theoretical framework of discourse i analysis to explain change and stability in Iranian foreign policy behavior toward the western countries. During the course of the h research this theory has proven to be very appropriate approach for explaining Iranian foreign policy behavior. The detailed analysis of theses discourses illustrates set of meanings attached to identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran which is the basis for interests and behavior of the state in foreign policy.
Secondly, this previously held identity has been moderated or radicalized due to the non-aggressive or aggressive normative I D environment at the international level. It shows that interests and objectives of Iranian foreign policy are constructed by a o discursive process of identity formation which takes place at the domestic and international normative context. S I range of practices. Stanford: 2. For example, The US relationships with Iran and British cannot be explained by just f simple balance of military power.
Only material structure cannot describe the fact that Britain is a close American ally and Iran is a sworn adversary. The logic of equivalence unifies different elements and constitutes a chain of equivalential identities in a given social field. Elements have not been articulated and open to differential ascriptions of meaning.
Iran’s International Relations: Pragmatism in a Revolutionary Bottle
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